ህጹጽ ህዝባዊ ጸውዒት።

ህጹጽ ህዝባዊ ጸውዒት።

ማሕበር ንሓድነትን፡ ፍትሕን፡ ድሕንነትን ኤርትራ ኣብ ከትማ ስያትልን ከባቢኣን፡ ካብ’ቲ ኣብ ኤርትራ ሃገርና ተፈጢሩ ዘሎ ዘስካሕክሕ ዕንወት ህገርን፡ ህልቂት ህዝብን ምኽንያት፡ ብምብጋስ፡ “ሕጂስ ይኣክል፡ ሕልናና ፈቲሽና ንተንስእ፡ ንበራበር፡ ነድሕን ሃገርና” ኣብ ዝብል ጭርሖ ብምምርኳስ ንኣብ ሲያትልን፡ ከባቢን ዘሎ ሓፋሽ ህዝብና ብምጥርናፍ ብሓባር ኰንካ ብምቅዋም ፍታሕ ንምምጻእ ትጽዕርን፡ ትቃለስን ኣላ።

Uዝቢ ኤርትራ ነታ በማእተ- ኣሸሓት ዝኣክል ህይወት ህዝባን ፡ ብምልዮናት ዝቑጸር ንብረታን፡ ንዋታን ከፊላ ብ 1991 ዘምጸኣታ ነጻነት ሃገር ፈጺማ ከየስተማቐረታ ከላን፡ እቲ ኩሉ ዝነበረ ሃገራዊ ሕልምን ፡ ትምኒትን፡ ባህጊን፡ ብውልቀ መላኺ አሳያስ ኣፈርቂን፡ ውሑዳት ተሓባበርቱን ፡ንሕድሪ ስውኣት ብጾቶም ብምጥላምን፡ ብምኽሓድን፡ ስለ ዝተመንዝዔ፡ ሓፈሻዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና፡ ኣዝዩ ተበኪኑ ተሪፉ፡ ንታሕቲ ኣቢሉ ብቐጻልነት አና ኣንቆልቆለ ድሕሪ ምኻድ ከኣ፡ ኤርትራ ሃገርና ነጻ ሃገር እያ ኢልካ ንክትጽውዓ እውን ኣብ ዘጠራጥር ኩነታት በጺሓ ዘላ ።

እቲ ብውልቀ- መላኺ አሳያስ ዝምራሕ መንግስታዊ ቅዋም ዘይብሉ ሰርዓት፡ ንክፋል ህዝብናን፡ መንእሰያት ደቅናን፡ ብሰንኪ’ቲ ጽንኩርን፡ ዘስካሕክሕን ዝኾነ ዕለታዊ መነባብሮን፡ ፖሊቲካዊ ጭቆናን ምኽንያት፡ ሀገሮምን፡ ስድርኦምን ገዲፎም ከምዝባረሩ ብምግባር፡ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ር መዲተራንያን ብቐጻሊ ይጥሕሉን፡ ኣብ ሳይናይ መድረበዳ ይቕዘፉን ኣሎዉ። ብዚ ኣብ’ዚ ወርሒ’ዚ ኣጋጢሙ ዘሎ ዘስካሕክሕ ቅትለት ኤርትራውያንንን፡ ኢትዮጲያውያንንን፡ ብኢድ ኣረማውያን ዝኾኑ “ኣይሰስ” ዝበሃል ዝመጸውዒዖም ኣረማውያንን፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኣብ ማዕበል ናይ መዲተራንያን ባሕሪ ዝጠሓሉ 350 ዝኣኽሉ ኣሕዋትናን ፡ ደቅናን ዝኸፍእ ኩነታት የለን። ይኹን’ምበር ነዚ ሕሱም ኩነታት’ዚ ውልቀ- መላኺ እሳያስን ሰዓብቱንከ እንታይ ርእይቶ ይህቡሉ ኣሎዉ ኢልና ምስ እንሓትት፡ ርእይቶን፡ መግለጺን ብዘይምሃብ፡ ብውሽጢ- ውሽጢ ንወልዲን፡ ንበተ- ሰብን ሓዘን ንኸይገብሩ የጠንቅቑን፡ የፈራርሑን ከምዘሎዉ ይሕበር ኣሎ። ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ መላአ ህዝቢ ዓለም ብቅሉዕ ይዛረበሉን፡ ይሓዝኑሉን፡ ይጣበቐሉን ኣሎ። ተራናኸ ደኣ እንታይ እዩ ?

ብተወሳኺ ከኣ ነቲ ኣብ ውሽጢ ሃገርና ዘሎ ህዝብና እንተኾነ በቲ ብቢዕለቱ ዘጋጥሞ ዘሎ ዘስካሕክሕ ማእሰርትን ፖለቲካዊ ራዕዲን፡ ጥሜትን፡ ኡልቂትን፡ ምሉእ ህዝቢ ዓለም፡ ክብኽየሉን፡ ተቓውሞ ከርእየሉን ከሎ፡ ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ ካብ ደቂ ሃገር ዝኾንና ኤርትራውያን፡ ብቑዕ ዝኾነ ጥርኑፌን፡ ተቓውሞን፡ ርህራሄን፡ ተሓባበርነትን ነርኢ የሎናን። እዚ ዘሕዝንን፡ ዘሕፍርን ድኽመት እዩ። ኣብ ገሊኡ ሸነኻትና’”ውን ኣብ ክንዲ ኣውያትን፡ ጸሎትን፡ ምህለላን ነርኢ፡ ኣብ ፈቐዶ ጓይላን፡ ዳንከራን ጥሒልና ንርከብ ስለዘሎና፡ ህዝብና ብሰንኪ ተጠርኒፉ ዘይምጽናሑ ኣብ ዝለዓለ ደረጃ ናይ ምክፍፋልን፡ ደም ናይ ምፍሳስን ቅድሚ ምብጻሕና፡ ተጠርኒፍና ንናይ ሓባራዊ ሽግርና ናይ ሓባር ፍታሕ ንክንረኽበሉ ናይ ኩልና ናይ ሞራልን፡ ሕልናን ሓላፍነት እዩ።

ብካሊእ ሸነኻት ናይ ህልዊ ኩነታት ሃገርና ክንዕዘብ ከሎና ከኣ፡ ባኣሸሓት ዝቑጸሩ ክፋላት ህዝብና ብዘይተገልጸ ምኽንያት ኣብ ኩሉ ቤተ-ማአሰርቲ ኤርትራን፡ ኣብ ጩራ ጻሓይ ዘይብሉ ፈቖዶ ጎዳጉዲን ፡ ብዘይ ፍርዲ ንብዙሓት ዓመታት ዝኣክል ይሳቐዩ ኣሎዉ። ንሕናኸ ብዛዕብኡን ፡ ብዛዕባ’ቶም ዝተረፉ ካልኦት ዓበይቲ ሽግራት ሃገርና እንታይ ዓይነት ናይ ተቓውሞ ተራ ተጻዊትና ንፈልጥ? ነዘን ሕቶታት እዚኣተን ነፍሲ-ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ መልሲ ክህበላ ይግባእ።

ብተወሳኺ ከኣ ውልቀ-መላኺ ኢሳያስ ኣፈወርቂ ኣብ ርእሲ ወተሃደራትን፡ ክፍለ ሃገራዊ ጸጥታን ኤርትራ ፡ ፈጺሙ እምነቱ ስለዘጥፍኤ ብታቓወምቲ መንግስቲ ኢትዮፒያ ዝብል ጉልባብ ዝፍለጥ ዕሱብ ወተሃደራዊ ስርዒት (ደምሒት) እዩ ዝሕሎ ዘሎ። እዚ ዕሱብ ወታሃደራዊ ስርዒት’ዚ ኣብ ርእሲ ህዝብና፡ ብፍላይ ከኣ ኣብ ልዕሊ ደቂ ኣንስትዮና ፡ ብዙሕ ግፍዕታት ይፍጽም ኣሎ። አቲ ቀንዲ ዕላምኡ ንስርዓት ኢሳያስ ንምክልኻል ስለዝኾነ፡ ዝኾነ ንመንግስታዊ ንስርዓት ኢሳያስ ዝቃወም ወትሃደራዊ ሓይሊ መስዝትንስእ ፡ ንኽምክቶ ቅሩብ ከምዝኾነ ዘየጠራጥር ሓቂ እዩ፡ ንምምካት’ዚ ዕሱብ ወተሃደር’ዚ ከኣ ናይ ነፍስ-ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ሞራላዊን፡ ሃገራውን ሓላፍነት እዩ።

እብ’ዛ ጽንክርቲ ዝኾነት ናይ ዕንወት ሃገርናን፡ ህልቂት ህዝብናን ግዜ’ዚኣ በቲ ካብ ኣቦታትና ዝወረስናዮ ቅኑዕ ባህልና ዝሕብሮ መሰረት፡ መራሕቲ ሃያምኖትናን፡ ዓበይቲ ዓድናን፡ ናይ መሪሕ ተራ ክጻወቱ ስለ ዘሎዎም፡ ማሕበር፡ ንሓድነትን፡ ፍትሒን፡ ድሕነትን ኤርትራ፡ ብሕልፊ’ኳ ንመራሕቲ ሃይማኖትና መሪሕ ተራ ንኽጻወቱ ህጹጽ ጻውዒት ትገብረሎም ኣላ። ፍሉይ ሕቶን፡ ርእይቶን፡ ለበዋን፡ ምስ ዝህሉ ከኣ ኣብ 206 334-3554 ወይ ከኣ 206-271-3656 ብምድዋል መልሲ ክርከብ ይከኣል እዩ።

ዘለዓለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንስወኣትና !!
ውድብ ሓድነትን፡ ፍትሒን፡ ድሕነትን ኤርትራ ኣብ ሲያትልን ከባቢኣን።

ዲፕሎማሰኛ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ፣ ነቲ መንግስቲ ብምርሕራሕ ፖለቲካዊ ዑቕባ ሓቲቱ !

ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ኣብ ዝርከብ ቀዋሚ ወኪል መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ካብ ዝርከቡ ሓሙሽተ ዲፕሎማሰኛታት ሓደ ነቲ መንግስቲ ብምርሕራሕ ፖለቲካዊ ዑቕባ ሓቲቱ።

እቲ መሓመድ እድሪስ ያዊጅ ዝተባህለ ዲፕሎማሰኛ፣ ካብ ግዜ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣትሒዙ ኣብ ማሕበር መንእሰያት ብምጥርናፍ ብደረጃ ዝተፈላለየ ሓላፍነት ዘገልገለ ምዃኑ’ዩ ዝጠቕስ።

እቲ ኣባል ህዝባዊ ግንባርን መንግስቲ ኤርትራን ምዃኑ ዘመልከተ ኤርትራዊ ዲፕሎማሰኛ፣ ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ ነቲ ኣብ ኣዲስ ኣበባ ዝርከብ ቀዋሚ ወኪል መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ኣብ ሕብረት ኣፍሪቃ ዝተዋህቦ ተልእኾ ብምርሕራሕ፣ ፖለቲካዊ ዑቕባ ዝሓተተሉ ምኽንያት፣ ዕላማ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሸትኡ ብልክዕ ክሃርም ብዘይምኽኣሉ’ዩ ኣስሚርሉ።

ዝተቓለሰሉ ዕላማ ክትግበር’ዩ ብዝብል ብተስፋ ክሳብ እዚ እዋን’ዚ ምስቲ አንግስቲ ክቕጽል ከምዝጸንሐ ዘመልከተ ኣቶ መሓመድ እድሪስ ያዊጅ፣ ሕጂ ግና ብዛዕባ ፍትሕን ደሞክራሲን ኣብ ኤርትራ ተስፋ ኣብ ዘቑርጽ ደረጃ ብምብጽሑ፣ ነቲ መንግስቲ ክርሕርኽ ከምዝወሰነ የረድእ።

Tikabo of Eritrea wins at Citylauf

Cottbus Desale Tikabo (30) SV Chemie Guben by on Saturday become the first 24 Citylauf in Cottbus, with a time of 32:41 minutes to 9.6 km away.

He arrived a year ago from Eritrea (Africa) to Germany and trained here diligently. After the well-deserved victory went to him very well, as he reported. Already on Tuesday last week, he had won the 11.5 km-Cup at ”running into May” in Guben.

Tikabo was one of 220 people on the city circuit in Cottbus, which in 2015 made for a successful fourth championship round in Sparkassen Laufcup. Tikabo won ahead of Christian Schrutek (free transition team) in 32: 50.4 minutes. Third place won Felix Ledwig (Diehloer Hill Runners) 34.16,2 minutes. Overall victory in the women won last year’s winner Jasmin Beer (Wacker Komptendorf) in 37: 45.5 minutes. before Anna Oprei (FLB Cottbus) in 40.34,2 minutes. and Manuela Lenk (FLG Spremberg) in 41: 04.6 minutes.

The runners will now little time for recreation. For it is only on 26 June will start at the 14th Komptendorfer Waldlauf over 5 km (18 clock), the fifth of nine runs in the Sparkassen-Laufcup.

A Saudi war fought with Eritrean troops?

Analysis: Saudi Arabia has been cosying up to Eritrea, leading to reports the African nation will join Senegal in offering troops for the war in Yemen, says Mohammad Abu Fares.

Eritrea could be the second non-Arab African nation to contribute troops to the Saudi-led alliance against Houthi rebels in Yemen.

Eritrea’s president Isaias Afwerki visited Riyadh last week to meet King Salman and other leading Saudi officials. This has led many to believe that Eritrea could follow Senegal’s lead – the West African nation announced earlier this week that it would send 2,100 soldiers to join the Saudi alliance.

Sources in Asmara revealed to al-Araby al-Jadeed that talks between Eritrean and Saudi officials has brought them to a common understandings on a number of strategic and security related issues.

Sources expect an announcement on military cooperation between the two states, which would allow the alliance to use Eritrean airspace and seas.

It is also being said that Saudi is hoping to capitalise on the capabilities of the Eritrean armed forces.

Strategically important

Eritrea occupies an important geographically location on the Horn of Africa.

It lies just over the water from Yemen, looking over one of the most strategically important sea corridors in the world – where the Red Sea leads to the Suez Canal.

Eritrea would be an obvious launchpad for amphibious attacks if Saudi Arabia wanted to being a ground war.

Saudi Arabia has built good relations with three other Red Sea states share maritime borders with Yemen – Djibouti, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea was the fourth piece in the jigsaw and has hosted foreign troops before.

Israel and Iran have military bases in Eritrea, but as the tide turns against the Tehran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen, Asmara appears to be cutting ties with these countries.

”Afwerki’s controversial relations have continued to be a source of angst for Saudi Arabia, which is just a strip of sea away from Eritrea,” said one Arab diplomat who wanted to remain anonymous.

 ”Saudi Arabia worries when Eritrean-Israeli relations progressed, which led to… the presence of Israeli bases in Dahlak and other Eritrean islands just off the Saudi coast. Relations between the two countries hit their lowest level.”

Eritrea was said to be, secretly at least, on the side of ally Iran and the Houthis during the Saudi-led assault on Yemen.

However, observers believe that Afwerki’s visit to Riyadh has turned the tables and that Eritrea might be sending signals to the US that it is eager to be friends.

Influential groups in Eritrea have been suspected of supporting Somalia’s al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabaab.

Some African diplomats were not surprised by the turnaround. Gulf nations were said to have been heavily involved in negotiations with African countries allied to Asmara in the build up to the visit.

Qatar has been effective in leading talks between Eritrea and some of its hostile neighbours.

The diplomats believe that the talks with Saudi Arabia is an attempt by Asmara to break its international isolation.

This has been enforced through UN resolution 1907, which imposed sanctions on Eritrea over its role in Somalia and refusal to pull its troops out of Djibouti.

With 200,000 soldiers and 12,000 naval personnel, and commanders experienced from Eritrea’s war with Ethiopia, the country could provide the backbone of a coalition invasion force.

The fact that they are ruled by an absolute dictator and dissent in the country has been crushed, then Eritrea would not be faced with a repeat of the Pakistani parliament’s refusal to engage in Saudi’s war in Yemen.

This article is an edited translation from our Arabic edition.

AL-Araby

Eritrea highlights flaws in Europe’s migrant policy

In 1991 a new state was born when Eritrea, a sliver of Red Sea coast in the Horn of Africa, separated from Ethiopia. The fighters of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) had acquired hero status in Europe during their 30-year struggle for independence – for their discipline, success on the battlefield and for putting Kalashnikovs in the hands of women. Reporters celebrated their “cave schools” where children were educated beyond the reach of the bombs of the Ethiopian air force. The EPLF leader, Isaias Afwerki, was touted as a philosopher-king under whose rule the new country was bound to avoid all the problems of African states.

Europe forgot about Eritrea for a couple of decades while all those hopes turned to dust. Now it has returned to Europe’s consciousness in a very different form. As thousands of migrants from the African shore cross the Mediterranean to claim asylum in the EU, it has emerged that Eritrea – with a population of only 6 million – is second only to Syria in the number of EU-bound migrants. It is clear why Syrians are on the move. But why are Eritreans risking their lives to flee a country where there is no war, famine or civil conflict?

More than 34,000 Eritreans arrived by sea in Italy last year, including 4,192 children, some of them unaccompanied. It is worth looking at the Eritrean case now that the European countries are casting around for ways to stem the migrant flow. So intense is the pressure felt by European governments from anti-immigrant parties that ministers are even considering military strikes against boats used by traffickers, as if they were pirates on the high seas.

Many Eritreans fled their country during the long years of the liberation struggle. The outflow has increased as a result of a 1998-2000 border war with Ethiopia and the continuing state of emergency, which has allowed president Afwerki to extend the mandatory 18 months of military service, almost without limit. The longer he has been in power, the more authoritarian he has become.

State control of the economy has deprived a growing population of jobs. One of the country’s major exports is people: perhaps a third of its gross national product comes from the remittances of Eritreans abroad. In these circumstances any Eritrean family would be negligent not to send a son to work in Europe; with its repressive political culture the word has spread that any Eritrean who claims to be an army deserter automatically gets refugee status.

European countries have taken fright at the prospect of Eritrea becoming a country where no one wants to live, and there has been some response from the Eritrean government. It has announced that military service will not be extended for the current draft. In March, the British government declared that Eritreans who abscond from military service would no longer be viewed in their homeland as traitors. In short, London feels that Eritrean asylum seekers of military age can now be sent home.

This is hardly likely to stem the flow. So long as economies do not create jobs, there will be surplus manpower, and it will be attracted to places where cheap labour is needed. Eritrea is an exceptional case – in its political repression, militarisation of the economy and lack of job prospects. So exceptional, in fact, some migrants from other countries in the region claim to be Eritreans when they get to Europe. But there are elements of the same weaknesses in many other countries.

The problem for Europe is that it is not able to approach migration as an entity with a common will. Immigration is not a competence of the union but of the individual member states. In an ideal world, the member states would agree to share out refugees according to a quota system, but that would be cast by politicians (who like to blame “Europe” for decisions they do not want to take responsibility for) as Brussels “forcing” immigrants on them.

Nor is the military option of much use. Destroying all the boats on the Libyan coast is not a policy. Establishing refugee processing centres on Libyan soil is unthinkable while there are two rival governments fighting for primacy, and jihadists are on the prowl looking for victims to kidnap and slaughter.

Will it come to European navies blockading the Libyan coast to send migrant ships back to shore, to face an uncertain fate at the hands of their traffickers, who have already been paid?

This is the harsh, military-led policy that Australia has imposed, where asylum seekers are turned back into Indonesian waters or placed in detention centres on Pacific islands. Australia’s message is that no one who lands illegally will be granted the right of residence. Its prime minister, Tony Abbott, has offered Europe help in establishing what he calls “sovereign borders” – an offer declined in Brussels. An Italian admiral said he could never follow a policy of expelling migrants by force of arms, having been trained to rescue those in distress at sea.

It is unlikely that the Australian solution could ever be applied by the European Union, where refugee rights are taken seriously, not least because there are no biddable island nations to dump the migrants on. In the absence of that, the European solution is likely to be one of muddling through: a mixture of cracking down on the people smugglers all the way from Sub-Saharan Africa to the Mediterranean shore (though how that will be achieved is not clear), helping to restore stability in Libya, and quietly raising the bar for refugee status while continuing to rescue people at sea. And behind that is the generational task of finding ways to reduce the yawning gulf in living standards between countries like Eritrea and those in Europe.