Category

ገድልን ሽፍትነትን በየንን ብኸመይን ይራኸብ…?

ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ሰሙን ገድሊ ኤርትራ ሽፍትነት ኣይነበረን፡፡ ንናጽነት ዝተገብረ ፍትሓዊ ቃልሲ ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ንናጽነት ዝተገብረ ፍትሓዊ ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ፡ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ይኹኑ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ፡ ጀመርቱን ቀለስቱን ኮይኖም ፊተ-መሪሕ ክነብሩ ይኽእሉ ኢዮም፡፡ እቲ ቃልሲ ግን ናይ መላእ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ቃልሲ ኢዩ ዝነበረ፡፡ ኣብቲ ንሳላሳ ዓመታት ዝተገብረ መሪር ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ድማ ዓሰርተታት ጀጋኑ መስዋእቲ ከፊልናሉ፡ ሰንኪልናሉ፡ ከርቲትናሉ፡ ኩሉ እንትናና ወፊናሉ ኢና ክብል፡ ኣብ ገጻት ፈይስ ቡክ ንእሽቶ ሓንጢጠ ነይረ፡፡ ካብቶም ኣብ መኣዲ ቃልሲ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ብሓደ ኣለና ንብል ድማ፡ ክልተ ኣንጻር ርእይቶታት ክጸሓፍ ተዓዚበ፡፡ ሕጂ ውን ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ሓደ ካብቲ ንኾርዓሉ ብደም ዝተነድቀ ታሪኽና ኢዩ፡፡ ገድልን ሽፍትነትን ብፍጹም ዘራኽብ የብሉን፡፡

እዚ እምነት እዚ ልባዊ እምነተይ ምዃኑ ከስምረሉ ይደሊ፡፡ ነዚ ሓቂ ጎስዩ እንተስ ሰኣን እኹል ኣፍልጦ ስሚዒት ደፊእዎ፡ ሓደው ነዚ ገጽ ክመልስ ክትኮስ ዝተቓረበ ተዓብዒቡ ዘሎ ቁጠዐ ህዝቢ፡ ንማዕበላዊ ተቓውምኡ ፍጹም ንምሕማሱን ምርማሱን ሽርሐ ጉርሒ ቆጺሩ፡ ቶኽላ ክንሱ ቆርበት በጊዕ ተኸዲኑ ተልእኹኡ ዝፍጽም ዘሎ ምስሉይ፡ ሒደት መዳርግቲ ጥራይ ንዘለዎ ታርኽ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ክድምስስ ህርድግ ይብል ስለ ዘሎ፡ ሰሚዕካዮ ጥራይ ምሕላፍ ከቢድ ስለ ዝኾነ ሕጂ ውን ብዝሰፈሐ ክውስኸሉ፡፡

ኣቐዲመ ግን ነቶም 3 ሚያዝያ 2016 ኣብ ማእከል እታ ምጭውቲ ከተማና ኣስመራ፡ ካብ ግዱድ ዕስክርና ጨካን መላኺ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ከምልጡ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ብተመልከተለይ ተቐቲሎም ህይወቶም ዝሓለፉ መንእሰያት መንግስተ ሰማይ የዋርሶም፡፡ እግዚኣቢሄር ኣምላኽ ንእስነቶምን ወጽዖኦምን ይርኣየሎም፡፡ በዚ እኩይ ተግባር ልቢ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ከም ዝሰንበረ ርዱእ ኮይኑ፡ ብፍሉይ ንቤተሰብ ግዳያት ግን ጽንዓት ይሃብኩም፡፡ ከምዚ ዓይነት ኣረመናዊ ተግባራት ተቓጽዩ ዘይኮነ ርእዮ ብርእዮ፡ ሓንሳብ ዘይኮነ ብተደጋጋሚ፡ ኣብ ቅድሚ ህዝቢ ዝፍጽም እሞ ድማ ኣብ ጸሓይ ቀትሪ፡ ከም ተራ ከታሪ ሽፍታ ክበሃል እንከሎ ኢዩ ከኣ መዓንጣ ከብድኻ ቅርጽ ዘብለካ፡፡ ሽፍታ ካብ እኩብ ሰብ ኣሽሓት ኪሎ ሜተር ኢዩ ዝብርግግ፡፡ ሽፍታ ኮነ ኢሉ ብተመልከተለይ ሰባት ኣይቀትልን ኢዩ፡፡ ሽፍታ ንመላእ ህዝቢ ብፍርሒ ከም ዘንቀጥቅጥን ከም ዝብህርርን ኣይገብርን ኢዩ፡፡ ሽፍታ ደም ክጽየቕን ኣብ ደም ክኣቱን ኣይደልን ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ኣረሜናዊ ጨካን ስርዓት ህግደፍ ግን ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ በዓል ደሙ ኢዩ፡፡

ናብ መበገሲ ሓሳበይ ክምለስ፡፡ ኣእዛና ሳላ መራኸቢ ብዙሓን ብፍላይ ድማ ፓል ቶክ ብዙሕ ክትደግሞ ዘሕፍር ግዕዘይ ምዕዘይ ሰሚዑ ኢዩ፡፡ ኣይሰማዕኩምን ዝብል እንተሎ ክምጉት ይኽእል ኢዩ፡፡ ዝኣኽለካ ተዛሪብካ ማዕበል ህዝቢ ፎእ ምስ በለካ ነቲ ክዑብ እምነትካ ክትኮሓሕል ጋራጅ ኣእቲኻ ከተመዓራርዮ ዝከኣል ኣይመስለንን፡፡ ብእዝነይ ካብ ዝሰማዕኩዎ ገድሊ ኤርትራ ናይ ሸፋቱ ምትእኽኻብ ኢዩ፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሽፍታ ውድብ ኢዩ፡፡ ስዉእ ኣበየናይ ኩርባን እምባን ሓደራ ክብለኒ ሰሚዐዮ፡፡ ሰብ ንነብሱዩ ዝስዋእ ንዓይ ኣይኮነን፡፡ ምዉታት ኢዮም ብዛዕባ ምውታት ዝሓስቡ፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሽፍታ’ዩ ዘይበለ ደላይ ፍትሒ ኣይኮነን፡፡ ኣረ ብዛዕባ ናጽነትን ረፈረንድምን ውን ሕጋዊ ኣይኮነን ኣለዎ፡፡ ስም ሓደ ካብቶም ነዚ ክዑብ ሓሳባት ዝተፍኡ ሽፍታ’ወ! ዝብል ውን ኢዩ፡፡ እቲ ገፈጥ መፈጥ ኣባሃህላ ብዙሕ ኢዩ፡፡

እታ ዝገረመትኒ ገለ ካብቶም በሃልቲ ደሓን ኣፍለጦ ኣለና ዝብሉ ኢዮም፡፡ ብርግጽ ዘይነዓቕ ኣፍልጦ ውን ኣለዎም፡፡ ስለምንታይ ግን ንገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብተራ ከታርን ዘራፍን ሽፍታ ክግለጽ ደልዮሞ…? ስለምንታይ ንምስሉን ተግባራቱን ዝውክል ረዚን ፖለቲካዊ ቃል ዘየጠመቕዎ…? ስለ ዝጠፈኦም ወይ ውን ተሃዊኾም ዶ ይኾኑ..? ብናተይ ኣመለኻኽታ ኣይመስለንን፡፡ እታ ሱር ዘለዋ ቀንዲ ተኣፋፊት ቃል ከኣ ንሳ ኢያ፡፡ ብቓላት ሃንደስታ መዘዝ ዘለዋ መርዛም ቡቕሊ ኢያ፡፡

ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መቐጸልታ ፖለቲካዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እምበር ብሃውሪ ወይ ብስሚዒት ዝተወልደ ቃልሲ ኣይኮነን፡፡ ስለ ዝኾነ ኢዩ ከኣ መላእ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ናብቲ መስዋእትን ስንክልናን ዝሓትት ገድሉ ብዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ዝወሓዘን ዝዓሰለን፡፡ ኮይኑ ግን ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ይኹኑ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ንናጽነት ዝቃለሱ ሃገራውያን ውድባት እምበር ዲሞክራስያውያን ሓይልታት ኣይነበሩን፡፡ ዲሞክራስያውያን ሓይልታት ክኾኑ ውን ባህሪ ኣወላልደኦም ኣየፍቅደሎምን ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ክብል እንከለኹ ግን ኣብ ገድሊ ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስያውያን ባእታታት ኣይነበሩን ንምባል ኣይኮንኩን፡፡ ኣዝዮም ብዙሓት ንስለ ዲሞክራስያዊ ኣከያይዳ ንምትእትታው ሓቒቖምን ተቐንጺሎምን ኢዮም፡፡

ስለ ዝኾነ ብኽልቲኦም ንዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዝመርሑ ዝነበሩ ውድባት ክትገልጾ ዝኸብድ ናይ ቅትለት ገበናት ተፈጺሙ ኢዩ፡፡ ብዝገደደ ውን መሬት ኤርትራ ካብ ሓደ ውድብ ንላዕሊ ኣይጸውርን ኢዩ ብዝብል ኢፍትሓዊ ስነ ሓሳብ ኣብ ከቢድ ውግእ ኲናት ሕድሕድ ተኣትዩስ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ካብ ሜዳ ኤርትራ ከም ዝእለዩ ውን ኮይኑ፡፡ ክጠፍእ ዘይግበኦ ህይወት ብሰንኪ ዲሞክራስያዊ ባህሪ ዘይምንባሩ ብሉጻት ኣሓትን ኣሕዋትን ከሲርና ኢና፡፡ እዚ እቲ ናይ መሪር ዝመረረ ዓንዴል ታሪኽና ኢዩ፡፡ ነዚ ዝኽሕድ ኣይነበረን ዝብል እንትርፎ እቲ እናሰመዐ ዝደንቆረ ሓደኳ የልቦን፡፡

እቲ ሓቂ ከም ዘለዎ ኮይኑ፡ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ በቶም ኢዲሞክራስያውያን መራሕቱ እናተኣለየ ግን ሰብ ምስ ኩምራ ሓጻውንን ሺሾ ሰራዊት ስርዓት ደርግን ተዋጊኡን ስዒሩን ናጽነት ኤርትራ ክዉን ገይሩ ኢዩ፡፡ነቲ ብመስዋእቲ ሓፋሽ ህዝቢ ብሓይሊ ብረት ዝተረጋገጸ ናጽነት ንምውሓሱ ኣብ ቅድሚ ተዓዛብነት ማሕበረሰብ ዓለም ብዘየዳግም ህዝቢ ናጽነት ኣድሚጹ ኢዩ፡፡ ኤርትራ ሓንሳብን ንሓዋሩን ነጻን ልኡላዊትን ሃገር ምዃና መዛዘሚ ናይቲ መስዋእቲ ዝኸፈለሉ መሪር ቃልሱ ኮይኑ ኢዩ፡፡ ነዚ ዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ዝኸፈለሉ ዝተገፋዓሉ ዝተሞቓሓሉ ገድሉ ሽፍትነት’ዩ ነይሩ ክበሃል እንታይ ስለ ዝተደልየ ድኣሉ…?

እታ መርዛም ሱር ዘለዋ ሓሳብ እምበኣር ኣብዚኣ ኢያ ዘላ፡፡ እዛ መዘዝ ዘለዋ መርዛም ቡቕሊ ትፈርዮ ፍረ ድማ ኩዱን በኣፈ ስላሴ ንለባም ኣምተሉ ኢዩ፡፡ ገድሊ ኤርትራ ሽፍትነት እንተድኣ ነይሩ፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሽፍታ እንተድኣ ኮይኑ፡ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ውን በዚ ሽፍታ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ውድብ ተቐሊሱ ስለ ዝመጸ ሕጋውነት የብሉን ኢዮም ዝብሉና ዘለዉ፡፡ ብዙሕ መርትዖታት ካብቶም በሃልቱ ከምጽእ ጸገም ዘለዎ ኣይኮነን፡፡ ቃል ብቓል ዝተዛረብዎ ዝጸሓፍዎ ኩሉ ስኑድ ኢዩ፡፡ ክሳብ ንስዉእ ሽፍታ ኢዩ ዝብል ቃሎም!
እዚ ጉዳይ ቅድሚ ናብ ቅርዓት ምውጽኡ ነዊሕ ግዜ ገይሩ ኣሎ፡ ሓደ ካብዞም በሃልቲ ብተደጋጋሚ ብመገዲ ናይ መሰንጀር ብሕታዊ መልእኽቲ ይሰደለይን ንዘራረብን ነይርና፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሽፍታ ኢዩ ዝብል ሓሳብ ድማ ብተደጋጋሚ የልዕለለይ ነበረ፡፡ ሽፍታኮ ተራ ነገር ኢዩ፡፡ ፖለቲካዊ ስነሓሳብ ዘይብሉ ዝተወደበ ቅርጺ ዘይብሉ፡ ብህዝቢ ዝተፈንፈነ፡ ዘይረሃጸሉ ሃብቲ ውልቀ ሰባት ዝዘርፍ ብዓንደርእሱ ድማ ኣብ ደም ክኣትውን ደም ክጽየቕን ዘይደሊ ብረት ዝዓጠቐ ተራ ሰራቒ ኢዩ፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ግን ምስቶም ሞባእ ናጽነት ዝኾኑ ሰማእትን ስንኩላንን ሓዊስካ ኣስታት 200 ሽሕ ዕጡቕ ሓይሊ ዝነበሮ ውድብ ኢዩ፡፡ ርብዒ ሚልዮን ዝገማገም ዕጡቕ ሓይሊ ዝነበሮ፡ ንጹር ፖለታካዊ መርሓ ዝነበሮ፤ ንሳላሳ ዓመታት ደማዊ ውግኣት ዝሓለፈ፡ ኣብ ደጀናቱ ካልኦት ሓርነታውያን ምንቅስቓሳት ዘይነበሮም ክሳብ ንኣሽቱ ፋብሪካታት ዝውንን ዝነበረ፡ ኣብ በረኻ እንከሎ መንግስታዊ ቅርጺ ዝሓዘ፡ ወናኒ ዘመናዊ ኣጽዋር፡ ብኮራትን ክፍላተ ሰራዊትን ዝምራሕ ዕጡቕ ሓይሊ ዝነበሮ ዓቢ ውድብ ከመይ ቢልካ ኢኻ ሽፍታ ነይሩ ትብለኒ ክብል ይምስለሉ ነይረ፡፡ ብዙሕ ግዜ ድማ ይከራኸረኒ ነይሩ፡፡ ዘቕርቦም መርትዖታት ግን ዘእምኑ ኣይነበሩን፡፡

ኣብ መጠረሽታ ሓደ መዓልቲ ስማዕ ንህዝባዊ ግንባር ኮነ ነዚ ሕጂ ፍጹም መላኺ ኮይኑ ዘሎ ህግደፍ ዝደለኻዮ ንዐኦም ክገልጽ ብዝኽእል ቃል ክትጽወዖምን ክትገልጾምን ትኽእል ኢኻ፡፡ ሓንቲ ዘረጋግጸልካ ግን ሸፋቱ ኣይኮኑን፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ይኹን ህግደፍ ሸፋቱ እንተድኣ ኮይኖም ማሕበረሰብ ዓለም ብምልኡ ሽፍታ ኢዩ፡፡ ኣብ መንበር ባይቶ ሕቡራት ሃገራት ኣባል ዝኾነ ምስ ማሕበረ ሰብ ዓለም ኢሂን ሚሂን ዝበሃሃል፡ ኣዝዮም ብዙሓት ዲፕሎማሰኛታት ኣብየ ሃገሩ ወከልቲ ዘለዎ ሽፍታ እንተድኣ ኮይኑ፡ ዓለም ብሙላኣ ሽፍታ ኢያ ክብል ድርቕ ኢለ ይምጉቶ፡፡

ኣስዒበ ነዚ ሕድሪ ስዉኣት ዝረገጸ፡ መብጽዓ ኩልና ዝጠለመ ስርዓት ህግደፍ እንተደሊኻ ባርባርያን፡ ፋሺሽታውያን፡ ዲክታቶራውያን፡ ቶታሊተርያን ማለት ንተግባራቶምን ምስሎምን ክገልጽ ብዝኽእል ፖለቲካዊ መጸውዒ ጸውዓዮም ኣጠምቆም፡፡ ሽፍታ ግን ዝወረደ ተራ ነገር ኢዩ፡፡ ዓለምና ብዙሓት ቀተልቲ ከም ኢሳይያስ ዝጭክኑን ግፍዕታት ዝገበሩን ንኸም ሂትለርን ፓልፖትን ኣጎስቶ ፒኖቸን ዝኣመሰሉ መራሕቲ ኣአንጊዳ ኢያ፡፡ ግን ሸፋቱ ኣይኮኑን ንዐኦም ዝውክል ኣስማት ኣለዎም፡፡

ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ እዞም ሎሚ ብኣርኣያ ስላሴ ንዝተፈጥረ ሰብ ከም ጤለ በጊዕ ዝሓርዱ ዘለዉ ዲዒሽ፡ ኣልቃዒዳ፡ ቦኮሓራም፡ ኣልሸባብ ዓለም ሸፋቱ ዘይኮነ ግብረ ሽበራውያን ፈጠርቲ ራዕዲ ኢላ ኢያ ትጽውዖም ዘላ፡፡ እቲ ምንታይ ዋላ ውን ጉጉይ ይኹን ከረጋግጽዎ ዝደልይዎ ዕላማ ኣለዎም፡፡ ዝተወደበ ሓይልን ኣብ ኣእምሮ ካልኦት ዝጸፈይዎ መርዝን ስለ ዘለዎም፡፡ ብመንጽር እዚ ተጋዲሉ ንዓርሞሸሽ ሓይሊ ስርዓት ደርግ ስዒሩ ካብ በረኻ ኣትዩ፡ ናጽነቱ ብሓይሉ ኣረጋጊጹ ክንሱ፡ ድምጺ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ እታ ኣብ 1952 ዓ/ም ዝጠለመቶን ጸማም እዝኒ ዝሃበቶን ዓለም ትስመዓዮ፡ ብምባል ኣብ ገድሊ ዝኣመሞ እማመ ረፈረንድም ቃሉ ኣጽኒዑ ዘተግበረስ ራእይ ዘይነበሮ ተራ ሽፍታ’ዩ ግደፈኒ በጃኻ ይብሎ፡፡

ዝመለሰለይ መልሲ ከየሰንበደኒ ኣይተረፈን፡፡ ረጊአ ንኽሓስብን ኣብ መንጎ እቶም ንቃለስ ኣለና ንብል ገለ ቃልሲ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ንምሕንፋሽን ንምብታንን ዝተላእኩ ክርዳድ ምህላዎምን ግን ክግንዘብ ኪኢለ ኢየ፡፡ ናብቲ ዝመለሰለይ መልሱ ክመልሰኩም፡፡ ”እታ ጌጋ እኮ ኣብ ረፈረንደም ኢያ ተፈጺማ፡፡ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ እወን ኣይፋልን ዝብላ ጥራይ ኢዩ ቀሪብሉ፡፡ ምስ ኢትዮጵያ ምሕዋስ ጉዳይ ፈደረሽን ናብ ዝነበሮ ምምላስ ዝብል ኣማራጺታት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣይቀረበሉን፡፡ ስለዚ እቲ ዝተገብረ ረፈረንደም ሕጋዊ ኣይነበረን” ይብለኒ፡፡ ወሓጥዮ እንተበልኩዋስ ትጎስሞ ኢዩ ነገሩ፡፡

ብሓቂ ከምኡ ዓይነት ስንባደ ኣደይ ዓሪፋ ሃንደበት ምስ ተረዳእኩ ጥራይ ኢየ ሰንቢደ፡፡ ዝገረመኒ ግን እቲ ከምኡ ዝብለኒ ዘሎ ሰብ ዝተማህረን ኣቡኡ ሓደ ካብ ላዕለዎት ሰበስልጣን ህግደፍ ዝኾነ ተቓዋማይ ኢየ ዝብል ኢዩ፡፡ ዓሚ ዝሞተ ምራኽ ፈንው ዝዓይነቱ ኢዩ፡፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ 1952 ብፈደረሽን ኣብ ትሕቲ ጎበጣ ስርዓት ሃይለስላሰ በቲ ዓማጺ ብይን ክቑረን እንከሎ፡ ተገዲዱ እምበር መሪጽዎ ድዩ…? ካብ ምፍላም ኤውሮጳዊ መግዛእቲ ኣብ ትሕቲ መግዛእትን ምምሕዳር ጥልያንን ዝነበረት ኤርትራ ንኣስታት ሱሳ ዓመታት ዝተነጸረ ዶባት ዝነበራ ሃገር ኣይነበረትን ድያ…? ድሕሪ ስዕረት ገዛኢ ኤርትራ ዝነበረ ፋሽሽቲ ጥልያን ኣቦታትናን ኣበሓጎታትና ናጽነት ኢሎም ኣይተቓለሱን ድዮም..?

ሓይሊ ሓያላን ሓይሉና ዓለም ዘርያትና ድሌት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘይኮነን ዘይነበረን ዓማጺ ብይን ፈደረሽን ወሲናትልና፡፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብቲ ግዜ’ቲ እንታዩ ድሌቱ ኣይተሓተተን፡፡ እዚ ዶ ኣይኮነን ዕጥቃዊ ቃልሲ ክንጅምርን ዓሰርተታት ኣሽሓት ጀጋኑ ክንከፍልን ንሳላሳ ዓመታት ብገድልን መስገደልን ክንሓልፍን ክንሰግርን ዘገደደና፡፡ እታ ሕቶ ሓንቲ ኢያ ኤርትራውነትና ንምርግጋጽ! ስለ ዝኾነ ኢዮም ከኣ ተጋድሎ ሓርነት ኤርትራ ይኹኑ ህዝባዊ ግንባር ሓርነት ኤርትራ ዲሞክራስያውያን ውድባት ዘይነበሩ፡፡ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኤርትራውነትና ንምርግጋጽ ንናጽነት ዝተገብረ ቃልሲ ኢዩ፡፡ ገድሊ ኤርትራ ንናጽነት እምበር ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ንምርግጋጽ ዝተገብረ ቃልሲ ኣይነበረን፡፡ ኣይፋሉን ዝብል እንተሎ ብደሆ! ኮይኑ ግን እቶም ገድሊ ብንኡሱ ቶንኮላት ዝቛጸሩ ንጸጋም ገዲፍና ተጋዳላይ ድሕሪ ምሕራር ኤርትራ ህዝባዊ መንግስቲ ክትከል ባህግን ራእይን ነይርዎ ኢዩ፡፡ ክሳብ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ፕሮግራማት እቲ ውድብ ጉዳይ ረፈረንደም፡ ሕብረሰልፋዊ መንግስትን ካልእን ተጠሊሙ እምበር ኣስፊርዎ ነይሩ ኢዩ፡፡

ስለምንታይ ሕጂ ካልእ ጓል መንገዲ ይለዓልን ይድለን ኣሎ….? ብወገነይ ነዚ መርዛም ብቑሊ ኣቃሊለ ኣይርእዮን ኢየ፡፡ ካበይ ተበጊሱ ንመን መጋበርያን ግዳይን ገይሩ ድማ ብጭብጢ ንርእዮ ኣለና፡፡ ኣብዚ ተኣፋፊ ዛዕባ ሕጂ ውን ቁሩብ ከሰሓሕበና ምዃኑ ርዱእ ኢዩ፡፡ ድሮ ውን ኣንድነታውያን ዕሱባት ወያነን ካልእን ዝብል ዘሕፍር መልስታት ክጋዋሕ ጀሚሩ ኣሎ፡፡ ናተይ ትዕዝብትን ርድኢትን ግን ብኣንጻር እዚ ዝበሃል ዘሎ ኢዩ፡፡ ምናልባት ገለ ኹቱር ጽልኢ ናይቲ ስርዓት ዘለዎም ውሽጣዊ ስሚዒታቶም ደፋፊእዎም ነቲ ሓሳብ ተመሊሱ ዘውርዶ ጉድኣት ከየስተባሃሉ ዘጋውሕዎ ክህልዉ ይኽእሉ ኢዮም፡፡ ነዞም ብስሚዒት ዝነፍጹ ግሩሃት ናብ ሃው ዝበለ ጸድፊ ከይጸድፉ ምሓዞምን ምምሃሮምን ምምካሮምን ከድሊ ኢዩ፡፡ እንተ እቶም ሽርሒ ህግደፍ ተኣንጒቶም ቃልሲ ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጢ ክዘርጉ ተባራዒ ፈንጂ ኣብ ማእከል ደምበ ተቓውሞ ዝድርብዩ ዘለዉ ግን ተመዝሒቖም ክወጹን ክልለዩን ኣለዎም፡፡ ገድልን ሽፍትነትን ፍጹም ዘራኽብ ነገር ከም ዘይብሉ ድማ ደጊመ ከርጋግጸሎም እደሊ፡፡

ምግዳል ምእንቲ ህዝብኻ በጃ ምሕላፍ ናይ ሕልና ጉዳይ ኢዩ፡፡ ዘይምግዳል ብኣንጻሩ ዘተሓታትት ገበን ኣይኮነን፡፡ ስዉእ ንነብሱ እምበር ንዓና በጃ ኮይኑ ኣይተሰወአን ዝብል ዘረባ ግን እቲ ልዕሊ ኩሉ ዘሕዝን ነውሪ ነገር ኢዩ፡፡ ሰብ ንውልቀ ነብሱ ኢሉ ብፍጹም ኣይስዋእን ኢዩ፡፡ ድሕሪ መስዋእቲ ድሕሪ ሞት ምንባር ምቁራጽ ኢዩ፡፡ ምንባር ንኸተቋርጽ ብዘይ ዕላማ ክትስዋእ ድማ ብፍጹም ዝሕሰብ ኣይኮነን፡፡ ስዉኣት ኤርትራ ምንባር ናይ ሓፋሽ ንኽቕጽል ኢዮም ተሰዊኦም፡፡ ንሕና ንኽጥዕመና እንተ ዝስውኡ እዚ ገጢሙና ዘሎ ሽግር ኣይምገጠመናን፡፡ ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ዝነገሳ ሃገር ምሃለወትና ዝብል ስሚዒታት ገለ ግሩሃት ዝትንክፍ ረቂቕ ሽርሒ በቶም በሃልቱ ካብ ዝተቓለሐ ኢዩ፡፡ ብሰሪ ሕምቀትካን ኣብ ሕዛእቲ እንታይ ገደሰኒ ምሕባእካን ፍትሒ ስለ ዝሓረመካ ስለ ዘይጠዓመካ ተረካብ ይዓድዮ ንስውእ ክትከስስ፡፡

ኣብዚ ከነጽሮ ዝደሊ ኩሉ መላኺ ዓማጺ ክሳብ በትረ-ስልጣኑ ዝጭብጥ ክሳብ ሓይሉ ዘረጋግጽ ኣካል እቲ ህዝብን ቃንዝኡን ኮይኑ ኢዩ ዝቐርብን ዝሰብኽን፡፡ ብጩብጥ ውን ኩሎም መለኽቲ ብማዕበላዊ ደገፍ ህዝብን ዘሰክር ጣቒዕትን ተሰንዮም ኢዮም መንበረ ምልኪ ዝቆጻጸሩ፡፡ ናትና ነገር ውን ከምኡ ኢዩ፡፡ ኢሳይያስ ሰለስተ ሚሊዮን ብምሉኡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ተጋዳላይ ኢዩ ይብል ከም ዝነበረ ክንዝንግዕ ኣይግባእን፡፡ እዚ ናይ ሎሚ ኢሳይያስ ኣብ 1986 ዓ/ም ኣንጻር ሰለስተ ሓለፋታት ኢሉ ንተጋዳላይ ክጉስጉስ እንከሎ፡ ካብ ሎሚ ጀሚርካ ነዞም መራሕትኻ ብሕጊ እንተዘይ ሒዝካዮም እንተዘይ ኣቃሊዕካዮም ኣብ ናጽነት ኣብ ፓላሶ ኮይኖም ክሸኑልካ ኢዮም ይብል ከም ዝነበረ ዝርሶዖ ዝህሉ ኣይመስለንን፡፡ ማዕሪኡ ምሉእ ደገፍ ናይ ህዝቢ ከምዚ ሎሚ ኮር ተገልበጥ ከይኮነ ነይርዎ ኢዩ፡፡

ስለ ዝኾነ ኢሳይያስ ንእምነት መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መዝሚዙዩ መብጽዓ ገድልና ጠሊሙ መላኺ ዝኻነ፡፡ መንበረ ምልኪ ንምፍራስን ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ንምርግጋጽን ኣብ ዝግበር ቃልሲ ድማ፡ ንመላእ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ይምልከቶ፡፡ ኣብዚ ጉዳይዚ ተጋዳላይ ንበይኑ ብፍጹም ተሓታቲ ክኸውን ኣይክእልን ኢዩ፡፡ እቲ ምንታይ ተጋዳላይ ውን ንባዕሉ ግዳይ ኢዩ፡፡ ኣብ ናይ በለጽ ሕዛእቲ ተሸጊጥካ ነብስኻ ኣብ ከውሊ ዲያስፖራ ኣማዕቂብካ ተጋዳላይ ካልኣይ ግዜ ክስዋኣልካ ምሕላም ግን ሓጥያት ኢዩ፡፡

ኣብዚ ክንጸር ዘለዎ ብዘይ ቀልዓለም ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኩሉ ብረት ዓጢቑ ጥራይ ውን ኣይኮነን ናጽነትና ጋህዲ ዝኾነ፡፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ብኹሉ እንትንኡ በብታ ዝኽእላ ዓቕሙ ኣብቲ ፍትሓዊ ንናጽነት ዝተገብረ ገድሊ ኢዱ ሓዊሱ ኢዩ፡፡ ኣበየ ዓዱ ሚሊሻን ብደሆ ሽማግለን፡ ኣብ ውሽጢ ከተማ ከበድቲ ሚስጢራት ካብ ከብዲ ጸላኢ ዘውጽኡ፡ ንወሰንቲ ኣካላት ናይ ደርጊ መሓውር ዘልምሱ፡ ኣብ ግዜ ውግኣት ስንቅን ኣጽዋርን ዘቀባብሉ፡ ማዕሪኡ ውጉኣት ናብ ሕክምና ዘመላልሱ፡ ስሚንቶን ሽንትቤትን ፋሕፊሓን ዓንድሕቆ ሰውራ ኤርትራ ገጥ ዘበላ ከም ኣዴታት ዓዲ ጥልያን ድማ ሒደት ኣብነታት ኢዩ፡፡ ሕጂ ውን ፍትሕን ዲሞክራስን ንምርግጋጽ ኣብ ዝግበር ቃልሲ ልክዕ ከምቲ ንናጽነት ዝተገብረ ተሳትፎ መላእ ሕብረተሰብ ኤርትራ ከድሊ ኢዩ፡፡ እቲ ምንታይ ተሳትፎ ሓፋሽ ዘይብሉ ቃልሲ ክዕወት ኣይክእልን ኢዩ፡፡

ስለ ዝኾነ ኢየ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ መላእ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢዱ ዝሓወሰሉ ህዝባዊ ገድሊ ኢዩ ዝብል ዘለኹ፡፡ ነዚ ታሪኽ እዚ ክትድምስ ድማ ብፍጹም ዝከኣል ኣይኮነን፡፡ እቶም በሃልቲ ውን እዚ ሓቂዚ ይጠፍኦም ኢለ ኣይሓስብን ኢየ፡፡ ንግዚኡ ብረብሓ ተዓሲብካ ዕምሪ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንኸተናውሕ መርዚ ዘፍሪ ቡቕሊ ዘሪእካ ክትሓልፍ ግን ዘሕዝን ኢዩ፡፡ ብቐንዱ እዚ ተልእኾ እዚ ካብ ውሽጢ እቲ ኣብ ዕርብርብ ዝርከብ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ዝተበገሰን ዝተላእከን ምዃኑ ኩሉ ክፈልጦን ክግንዘቦን ኣለዎ፡፡ ዕላምኡ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ሕንፍሽፍሽ ክኣትዎ፡፡ ክትኮስ ዝቐረበ ማዕበል ሓፋሽ ብፍርሒ ተሓሚሱ ክብርዕን፡፡ ህዝቢ ምስ ደምበ ተቓውሞ ጠሪሹ ክባተኽ፡፡ ኤርትራዊ ርእሱ ኣድኒኑ ንምልኪ ህግደፍ ኣሜን ኢሉ ክቕበል፡፡ ኣስተውዕል ኣንታ ንስሚዒታትካ መዝሚዞም ኣብ መጻወድያኦም ብምእታው መጋበርያ ተልእኾ ሽርሖም ዝገብርኻ ዘለዉ ግሩህ መንእሰይ!! እዞም ሰባት ልብስኻ ዝለበሱ ሃሱሳት በዓል ደምካ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ኢዮም፡፡ እዞም ሰባት ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያን ኣድነትን ዘሕመሞም ኣይኮኑን፡፡

ከም መዛዘሚ ሓሳበይ ገድሊ ኤርትራ ሽፍትነት እንተድኣ ኮይኑ፡ ኩሎም ኣብዛ ንነብረላ ዓለም ንናጽነት ዝተገብሩ ሓርነታውያን ምንቅስቓሳት ሽፍተነት ኢዮም ነይሮም፡፡ ካልኣይ ኣብዚ ደጊመ ዘነጽሮ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ሽፍታ እንተድኣ ኮይኑ ማሕበረሰብ ዓለም ውን ሽፍታ ኢዩ፡፡ ምስ ሽፍታ ዕላቓታት ዝገብር ንሽፍታ ሚሊዮናት ኣቕራሽ ዝሕግዝ ንባዕሉ ውን ሽፍታ ኢዩ፡፡ እቶም ነዚ ጽያፍ ሓሳብ ዝተፍኡ ዕላመኦም ሓደን ክልተን ዘይብሉ ንጹር ኢዩ፡፡ እቲ ቀዳማይ ናጽነት ኤርትራ ሕጋዊ ኣይኮነን ክኸውን እንከሎ፡ እቲ ካልኣይ ከምቲ ክቱር ንዕቀት መራሒ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምንዓቑን ድኹም ኢኻ ብተራ ሽፍታ ኢኻ ትደዓኽ ዘለኻ ንምባልዩ፡፡ እቲ ሓቂ ግን ብኣንጻር እቲ ዝብልዎ ዘለዉ ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ሕሉፍ ቶታሊተርያን ስርዓት ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ጥራይ ዘይኮነ ንቐርኒ ኣፍሪቃ ውን ዝረበሸን ዝሓመሰን ምዃኑ ዓለም ዝፈልጦ ሓቂ ኢዩ፡፡ ርሑቕ ከይከድና ጎረባብቲ ሃገራት የመን ሱደን ጁቡቲ ሶማል ኢትዮጵያ ምስክር ናይዚ ሓቂ ኢየን፡፡

ኣብ መጠረሽታ ኣብ ኤርትራ ዘሎ ስርዓት መሰል ኩሉ ህዝቢ ዝመንዘዐ ቶታሊተርያን ስርዓት ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ስርዓት እዚ መብጽዓ ገድልና ዝጠለመን ታሪኽ ገድሊ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዘራኸሰን ከሓዲ ኢዩ፡፡ ነዚ ስርዓት እዚ ሽፍታ ዝብል ቃል ኣይገጥሞን ኣይምጥኖን ውን ኢዩ፡፡ እዚ ስርዓት እዚ ብምሉእ ነብሱ ኣብ ደም ንጹሃት ኤርትራውያን ተዘፊቑ ዘሎ ደመኛን ጸላእን ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኢዩ፡፡

ሚኪኤል እምባየ
[email protected]

It was roughly twelve months after 31-year-old Gebre Berhane (not his real name) escaped Eritrea that the letter came through from the Home Office. He’d already lost 13 years of his life to forced military service and faced the threat of a regime which he says kidnapped his father turning on him. Berhane was sure his request for asylum would be accepted and his nightmare would come to an end.

”The Eritrean government were looking for me because they believed I was contacting foreigners,” he says, explaining the case he put to the British authorities. ”In my extra time I was supplying vegetables to a big company which made them suspicious. When we heard that they were looking for me, I fled. It’s been 15 years since my father was taken by the government. My mum said: ’I don’t want to lose you too, go away from this country’.”

But Berhane’s story wasn’t good enough for the Home Office, at least not at the first time of asking. Last summer, after months waiting for an interview, his asylum claim was rejected. The days he’d spent trapped in a migrant jail in Libya, the hours rocking on a packed boat to Sicily, and the month hopping from truck to truck in Calais – all in the hope of reaching England – appeared to have come to nothing. ”Something came into my mind,” he says, recalling how he felt after reading the rejection. ”If they are planning to take me back home I am planning to make suicide. Imagine you have come all the way and risked everything and they take you back to the Eritrean government – our enemy.”

Left with no other options, Berhane appealed the decision. For six months he waited in G4S-run asylum accommodation in Leeds until good news finally came: a judge had overruled the Home Office and Berhane was being offered asylum. For the first time in months he says he ”felt relaxed”. But with many of his Eritrean friends now going through the same process with the Home Office, an important question remains: why was a vulnerable refugee from the country dubbed ’Africa’s North Korea’ rejected in the first place?

In the past the British government was more than happy to recognise Eritreans – the largest group to claim asylum in the UK in 2015 – as people in need of protection. And for good reason. Since its independence 23 years ago, Eritrea has been ruled by the same president, Isaias Afwerki, in a repressive, one party state accused by Human Rights Watch of ”widespread and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms”.

But in March 2015 the UK’s position on the country suddenly changed after the Home Office published updated country guidance suggesting a marked improvement in Eritrea’s human rights situation. The acceptance rate for Eritrean refugees promptly plummeted from 84% in 2014 to 44% in 2015.

The source for this controversial change was a report published by the Danish Immigration Service back in November 2014 which claimed forced military service – the main reason people leave the country – was no longer indefinite, and that anybody fleeing without permission would be welcomed back so long as they signed a ”letter of apology” and paid a ”diaspora tax” on the money they had earned while abroad. Human rights groups disagreed, arguing that military service remains compulsory and indefinite, and that returned refugees are at serious risk of persecution. Even the report’s own authors were horrified by what the final version – based largely on anonymous diplomats – said. Two resigned and it was eventually discarded by the Danish government. ”The report was so simplified that it hurt,” one of the authors, Weise Olesen, said.

It is a view that British judges appear to share. Data obtained under the Freedom of Information Act shows that from March 2015 – after the changes were introduced – to September 2015, 1,006 out of 1,179 Eritreans rejected by the Home Office decided to appeal. Of the 118 cases in progress under the same time period, 106 were allowed. That’s an appeal success rate of 92%, way above average. Not everyone was so lucky. One hundred and seventy three decided not to lodge appeals, nine were rejected on appeal and 17 were removed back to Eritrea by force – but by and large judges appear to be finding against the government.

”Judges haven’t been able to understand why the Home Office has continued to use the Danish report because there are so many criticisms of it,” says Nathan Stevens, an immigration consultant for Duncan Lewis Solicitors, which has worked on ten cases since the changes came in last year. ”Clearly it doesn’t meet standards that would be required of a report to be accepted as a change in country condition.” Stevens explains that while judges are obliged to take the country guidance into account, existing case law from a 2011 tribunal ruling clearly states that Eritrea is not a safe country. That ruling, he adds, is ”a decision of the court itself”, meaning judges – by the law of precedent – are required to follow it. ”It’s an irrational situation really that judges are being asked to go against precedent.”

On top of the harm caused to the small number who have been sent back to a dictatorship, those left waiting for appeal decisions in the UK are under huge strain. Even with the prospect of a successful appeal, confusion and fear is rife. ”A lot of them attend churches and mosques and they speak to people in the Eritrean community that have been living here for a while,” Stephens says. ”They are completely confused about why, when in their view nothing at all has changed or improved in the country, they suddenly aren’t being granted.”

Another consequence according to Stephens is the amount of time and public money wasted on unnecessary legal procedures. ”It’s really clogged up the tribunal and has delayed everyone else getting to court,” he says. ”You would usually wait a month from lodging an appeal to your hearing but now it’s six. There’s a massive amount of cost on the public purse too given [refugees] could be working if they were granted status.

”They have to have to have an interpreter, which costs money. Judges are obviously paid and the legal aid fee will probably come to £1,000 for each case. It’s completely unnecessary given that everybody has been granted on appeal. It’s just money from the public purse being wasted.”

In January a review into the Home Office country guidance by the Independent Advisory Group on Country of Origin Information (IAGCOI), argued the new guidance was ”completely divorced from relevant objective evidence” and ”totally lacking credibility”. That was after another IAGCOI review published last year which also heavily criticised the Home Office. So why is the department ignoring its critics and persisting with something which appears to be largely failing?

In a statement a Home Office spokesperson said: ”The UK has a proud history of offering asylum to those who need it. All Country Information and Guidance is based on a careful and objective assessment using evidence from a range of sources including media outlets; local, national and international organisations; and information from the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. While this guidance helps inform asylum decisions, every application is considered on its individual merits.

”The Home Office issued two responses to the IAGCI-commissioned review of our Eritrea country information and guidance: One questioning the impartiality and objectivity of the review and, as is standard, a more detailed response to the review itself in which we rejected large parts of his recommendations.”

Many disagree. Stuart Crosthwaite, a migrant rights campaigner with South Yorkshire Migration and Asylum Action Group, cites two reasons: ”It’s an attempt to stigmatise Eritrean refugees as ’bogus’,” he says. ”A precursor to increased trade deals with the Eritrean government, especially in mining and oil exploration. The former Tory leader Michael Howard seems to be involved in this process”. Stephens believes it acts as significant disincentive for Eritrean asylum seekers regardless of its actual efficacy. ”I think with the Home Office it’s almost a perception thing,” he says. ”They want it to seem like the UK isn’t a good place for Eritreans to try and claim asylum and they are hopeful the numbers will be reduced as a result.”

If this is the goal it is unlikely to succeed, Berhane believes. ”The reason most people are choosing to come to England is the language,” he says. ”I was learning back home in English so it will not take me a long time to be connected to the people.” Though many of his friends in Eritrea and the UK remain uncertain of their future, with his application finally granted Berhane hopes he can now join a college, use those language skills and put the past behind him.

By Philip Kleinfeld

Security forces in Eritrea’s capital Asmara have killed several young conscripts who tried to escape the convoy they were travelling in, according to opposition media outlets.

There were also civilian casualties after some of the recruits’ friends and family used a bus to block the road to help them escape, according to the unconfirmed reports.

Conscription in Eritrea is compulsory.

The Eritrean authorities have not commented on the alleged incident.

Rights groups consider Eritrea to be one of the world’s most repressive states.

In 2015, it ranked bottom of the World Press Freedom Index, published by media watchdog Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

Conscription in Eritrea can last for decades and is one of the main reasons tens of thousands flee the country every year.

BBC

ህዝባዊ ኣኼባ ኤረትራውያን ደለይቲ ፍትሒ ቶሮንቶ ንዕለት 17, April 2016

A regime of terror. This is described by the UN Eritrea, whose commission of inquiry has openly denounced the practice of crimes against humanity. Often, we see them coming to our shores in boats of death without knowing where and what escaping thousands of people in Africa. Among these desperate people, human beings like us, the High Commission estimated that in 2015 only the Eritrean refugees have reached the figure of 400,000.

There is, unfortunately, little attention on this part of the world around the Horn of Africa where it is consumed, for years now, an unbearable chain of crimes against the state of law and the people. We want to shake the conscience and arouse the attention because this country we care and we want to fight for the restoration, meanwhile, certain minimum conditions of political freedom and civil life completely erased from the absolute and tyrannical power of President Isaias Afewerki. He repeated it recently Renzi. We repeat us again: Africa is our priority and Eritrea is fully part in this action that can and must relate to the European Union. We are raising the issue of a country that, to keep the investigations of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimates that over 400 thousand Eritreans, equal to 9% of the total population, have fled the country, and every month about five thousand people the abandon. A continuous flight, incessant, largely due to the persistence of serious violations of human rights.

In the European Union, last year, Eritrean asylum seekers have been granted refugee status in 69% of cases, while a further 27% received subsidiary protection. The European Parliament has approved in the last session in Strasbourg, a resolution that is a sort of compendium of the atrocities that are committed in Eritrea. Many, especially young people, cross the border and the regime takes revenge on their families back home by imposing on them a heavy fine, a real extortion. Imposition in violation of UN resolutions ”used to finance armed groups in neighboring countries, destabilizing the region” in doing so.

This is the framework within which takes place the lives of six million and a half inhabitants, the home of the co-signatory of this writing, Don Mussie Zerai, the cleric who since 1995 has lent the work of assistance to all our compatriots who have crossed the Mediterranean towards a European land of salvation and that for this reason it has been proposed for the Nobel.

When it comes to repressive regimes the list of misdeeds is always long and terrible. After the ”presidential” that led to power Isaias Afewerki has been fulfilled a suspension of democratic rights, no application of the Constitution of 1997, replacing the judiciary with Special Courts, starting a mass conscription and lasting for hundreds of thousands of soldiers. A conscription that has been perpetuated over the years and which also covers men of 50-60 years. This structure allows the regime of the president to use the armed forces as well as workers at no cost to public works or caste in power interest. Those who could and can still leave this hell, this prison-State so that the figures say that 7/8 of an Eritrean now lives abroad. He flees from Asmara and surroundings to escape the repression and the economic and social conditions absolutely catastrophic. Eritrea is now one of the world’s poorest countries with a per capita GDP of $ 800 per year, not even $ 70 per month. A good portion of the residents survive on remittances from expatriates, which was one of the most significant items of the national economy affected by the prolonged drought and in general by climate change that could result in a new exodus of refugees from what Human Rights Watch has called one of the most ferocious dictatorships in the world that can boast of, so to speak, well 361 between prisons and detention centers (in Italy, with 60 million inhabitants, there are 205 prisons). In our country landed last year more than 150,000 refugees. 26% of these, amounting to 40 000, are Eritreans, and young age. Escapes those who have more strength and will to fight in the hope of being successful.

The relationship between the EU and Eritrea, is based on a partnership agreement that lasts for years and even on assistance programs for some time but the opposition forces are demanding that Europe and even individual EU countries cease to cultivate the idea that the Afewerki regime can be held good with acts of blandishments in return for an easing of the climate of lawlessness. This is not the road that could lead to a return of civil and democratic normality. The European Parliament called for an end to all violent practices in the field of military service and access to the country of UN experts and the OAU to initiate an investigation of violation of human rights. It is the most important act that you have to play. That essential in carrying on to secure all fundamental rights as well as the same structure of the state affected in the operation and governance practices.

The Parliament, in fact, calls on the government of Asmara restoring a correct and transparent management of public finances, the launch of a true national budget and the autonomy of the central bank, free from military control and free from hazardous trades on terrorist financing in the area. The Habesha Agency also calls for the opening of a peace table between Eritrea and Ethiopia, the two neighboring countries that have been dragging since 1998 in an exhausting war fought on the field but equally deadly.

The end of the clash between Asmara and Addis Ababa could also wipe out the emergency climate and strong current repression in Eritrea justified by the winds of war. The Afewerki regime has, in fact, always motivated prolonged crackdown and the total militarization of the country with the condition continues hostility to Ethiopia. Regarding this aspect very sensitive, on behalf of the Socialists and Democrats Group, I will travel to Ethiopia to invite the Addis Ababa government to work towards a peaceful solution that would stabilize not only the two countries but the whole region Horn of Africa.