Stop Eritrea regime extortion

Eritrea, one of the world’s most hardline dictatorships, funded mainly through forced taxes from Eritreans living abroad. The government must ensure that tax collection in Sweden ceases with immediate effect, writes Lars Adaktusson.

The Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaak fills today 50 years. Birthday spent in captivity in Eritrea where Isaak was imprisoned, but neither charge or trial, for 13 years. His health condition is unknown to the outside world and by all accounts he is in one of Eritrea’s worst prisons. Amnesty International considers him a prisoner of conscience, and he is the only EU citizens who now is in prison because of their opinions. It is therefore highly appropriate that the Swedish side to give Dawit Isaak all the support we can, in conjunction with his 50th birthday. But the best gift the Swedish government can give him would be to increase the pressure on the Eritrean regime through once and for all stop the regime’s economic extortion of its citizens into exile.

Eritrea is one of the most hardline dictatorships. Political opponents are tortured and imprisoned. The regime exerts a massive repression and persecution of dissidents. The UN has on several occasions criticized Eritrea for human rights violations and also imposed sanctions against the regime for its support to terror group al-Shabaab.

The regime’s economic blackmail against citizens in exile is that they are forced to pay a tax of two per cent of the net revenue to the regime. The tax is levied by the embassies, which attracted attention in Sweden. Non-payment may mean that the person can not get the necessary documents from the authorities or the ban on entry to Eritrea. Even close relatives living in Eritrea could face penalties. Lars Adaktusson. Photo: Robin Aaron Lars Adaktusson. Photo: Robin Aaron

The UN estimates the regime’s single largest source of revenue is the tax from Diaspora Eritreans. Approximately 25 percent of the population, nearly 1.2 million people, are living today in exile. The Security Council’s report shows that tens of millions of dollars and probably far more than that annually are collected by the tax. Besides personal expenses and extortion methods of Eritreans in Sweden means treasure in effect a financing of the totalitarian dictatorship and through it, the financing of terrorist activities. The close ties between the Eritrean government and Islamist insurgents have been identified by the United Nations, whose reaction to the linkages among others has led to an arms embargo on Eritrea, which the EU also introduced.

The Swedish government’s starting point towards Eritrea has long been quiet diplomacy, a method that has so far been a failure. The Security Council’s Report of 2012 on the Member States to take measures to stop the collection of the tax. The Swedish Parliament’s stance has been that the tax itself is not illegal, and that it is up to law enforcement agencies to prosecute persons who practice criminal acts such as illegal extortion.

This is not enough. In Germany and the US governments have taken action against the Eritrean embassies. Britain has restricted the freedom of movement of Eritrean diplomats. Canada has gone a step further and threatened to deport Eritrean ambassador out of the country, which has forced the Eritrean Foreign Ministry pledging an end to the tax. It requires, in other words no new legislation to achieve effective improvements for the people of Eritrean background who today live in Sweden.

lars-adaktussonThe Swedish government has all the opportunity to follow the Canadian example and declare that Sweden intends to expel the Eritrean ambassador unless tax collection ceases with immediate effect. My question to the Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom (S) is: do you want to be involved and give Dawit Isaak, one of the best birthday gifts he can get from us in Sweden?

Lars Adaktusson (KD),
MEP

Funeral Service of the Legendary Dr Tewelde Tesfamariam ( wedi Vacaro) Saturday, Oct 26, 2014

Funeral Service of the Legendary Dr Tewelde Tesfamariam ( wedi Vacaro) Saturday, Oct 26, 2014

Rest in Peace Wedi Vacaro

ንኽብሪ ሓርበኛ ዶክተር ተወልደ ተስፋማርያም (ወዲ ቫካሮ) ጽንዓት ንቤተሰቡን ኩልና ደለይቲ ፍትሕን ጅግና ኣይነብርን እዩ ታሪኹ’ዩ ዝውረስ ውረስ…..
wedi-Vacaro

 

መግለጺ ሓዘን ብምኽንያት ዕረፍተ-ሞት ሓርበኛ ሃገራዊ ዶ/ር ተወልደ ተ/ማርያም (ወዲ-ቨካሮ)

መግለጺ ሓዘን ብምኽንያት ዕረፍተ-ሞት ሓርበኛ ሃገራዊ ዶ/ር ተወልደ ተ/ማርያም (ወዲ-ቨካሮ)

ናይ ጥዕንኡ ኩነታት ኣብ ካልኣይ ደረጃ ሰሪዑ፡ ድሕነት ሃገርን ህዝብን ቀዳምነት ሂቡ፡ ህዝብና ብሓድነት ንምልኪ ስርዓት ህግደፍ ንምልጋስ ከይሰልከየ ኣብ ሙሉእ ዓለም ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ዘካየደ ሓርበኛ ኤርትራዊ፡ ብሕማም ምኽንያት ካብ’ዛ ዓለም ብሞት ምፍላዩ ዝተሰመዓና ሓዘን ወሰን የብሉን። ዶ/ር ተወልደ፡ ንዝነበሮ ፍቕሪ ሃገርን፡ ንጹህ ሕልናን ሓልዮት ህዝብን፡ ብግብሪ ዘመስከረ ኣብነታዊ ሓውን ኣቦን ኢዩ ነይሩ። ብወገን ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጥን ፍትሕን – ሰሜን ኣመሪካ፡ ዘይተጸበናዮን ዘይተዳለናሉን ሞት ናይ ኣቦናን፡ ኣያናን፡ ሓውናን ሓርበኛ ዶ/ር ተወልደ ተስፋማርያም ምስ ሰማዕና፡ እቲ ሓዘንን ክሳራን ንስድርኡን ቤተ-ሰቡን ጥራሕ ዘይኮነ፡ ንሃገርን ንኹሉ ህዝቢ ኤርትራን ምዃኑ ኢዩ ዘስተብህል። ነቲ ካብ ግዜ ንእሰነቱ ኣትሒዙ ምእንቲ ሃገራዊ ነጻነት ብተወፋይነት ኣብ ዝተቓለሰሉ ግዜ፡ ነቲ ኣብ ጎኒ መላኺ ስርዓት ኮይኑ ዝተሓባበሮ ንህዝቢ ኤርትራ ይቕረ ሓቲቱ፡ ንጥልመት መራሕቲ ጉጅለ ህግደፍ ብምኹናንን ብምቅላዕን ንድሕነት ሃገርን ፍትሒ ህዝቡን ብግብሪ ዘመስከረ ታሪኻዊ ዜጋ ኢዩ።

ግዚያዊት ኣወሃሃዲት ሽማግለ ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ንዲሞክራስያዊ ለውጥን ፍትሕን ሰሜን ኣመሪካ፡ ምስ ዶ/ር ተወልደን መሳርሕቱን ኣብ ሆስፒታል ኣብ ዓራቱ ከሎ ብዛዕባ ሓድነት ናይ ህዝቢ ምንቅስቓስ ንምሕያልን ንምስፋሕን ዝዕላምኡ ኣብ’ዘን ዝሓለፋ 30 መዓልታት፡ 2 ግዜ ተራኺባ ነይራ። ብዛዕባ ጉዳይ ሃገር ኣብ ዝተላዕለሉ ግዜ ንሕማሙ ረሲዑ፡ ነቲ በብከተምኡ ዝካየድ ዘሎ ህዝባዊ ጥርናፈን ምትእስሳርን ብዙሕ ከምዘሐጎሶን “ኣጀኹም እዞም የሕዋተይ” ኢሉ እቲ ዝነበሮ እምንት ናይ ለውጢ ገሊጹ። ዶ/ር ተወልደ ነባሪ ታሪኽ ስለዝሰረሐን ስለዝገደፈን፡ ብመንፈስ ምስ ኩልና ነባሪ ኢዩ። ከይተሓለለ ንህዝቡ ንምጥርናፍ መጸዋዕታ ኤርትራዊ ሓድነት ኣብ ኣመሪካን ኣውሮጳን ዘካየዶ ዑደት መልእኽቱ ንናይ ብዙሓት ህዋሳትን ሕልናን ተንኪፈን፡ ህዝቢ ኣብ ምልዕዓል ዝለዓለ ኣስተዋጽኦ ዘበርከተ ዜጋ እንተበልና ዝተጋነነ ኣይኮነን።

ነቲ ኣያናን፡ ሓውናን ዶ/ር ተወልደ ዝደኸመሉ ዕላማ ኣብ መዓልኡ ንምብጻሕ ከኣ ኩሉ ኤርትራዊ ካብ ዝሓለፊ ግዜ ብዝለዓለ ብተወፋይነት ኣብ ሓባራዊ ዕላማ ብሐድነት ክሰርሕ ንምሕጸን። ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ንዲሞክራሲዊ ለውጥን ፍትሕን ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ ንኣብ ሰሜን-ኣመሪካ ህዝቢ ጠርኒፈን ዘሎዋ 15 ከተማታት ብምምእካል፡ ንስድራ-ቤት ዶ/ር ተወልደ ተስፋማርያም ጽንዓት ክህቦም፡ ንነፍስሄር ዶ/ር ተወልደ ከኣ መንግስቲ ሰማያት ከዋርሶ፡ ምንዮትናን ጸሎትናን ነብጽሕ።

ጅግና ሓላፋይ ኢዩ! ታሪኹ ግን ዘለዓለማውን ነባርን ኢዩ!

ኤርትራዊ ህዝባዊ ምልዕዓል ንዲሞክራሲዊ ለውጥን ፍትሕን – ሰሜን ኣሜሪካ
10/23/2014

UN report: Eritrea-backed rebel TPDM has tens of thousands fighters

United Nations’ report indicated that Eritrea continued propping up Tigrai People’s Democratic Movement (TPDM) in violation of Security Council resolution 1907 (2009).

The latest report of the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea, released last week, depicts TPDM (a.k.a. “Demhit”) as the strongest among Eritrea-based Ethiopian rebel groups with around 20,000 fighters.

The UN monitors learnt from multiple sources that “weapons in the logistics department of Eritrea Defence Forces (EDF) are being systematically transferred to TPDM. The report added:

“A reliable former senior Eritrean military source told the Group that he was informed by his former colleagues that the following weapons had been transferred from EDF to the TPDM in autumn 2013, most likely during the month of September: sniper rifles, Walther PP semi-automatic pistols, Doshkas, Tokarev T pistols, and binoculars”.

TPDM (a.k.a. “Demhit”) was founded in 2001, immediately after the end of the Ethio-Eritrea border war, when Asmara’s decided to continue the war by proxy. Its members are drawn from the northern region, Tigrai. While Ethiopian officials often claim TPDM is mostly consisted of fugitives and mercenaries, the report describes them as “dissidents from Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)” – the regional wing of the Ethiopian ruling part.

Yet, multiple sources interviewed by the monitoring group indicated that:

* “TPDM had participated in an armed crackdown on internal dissent inside Eritrea at the end of 2013″.

* TPDM had “a dual function as an Ethiopian armed opposition group and a protector of the [President Isaias] Afwerki regime”.

* TPDM fighters “are seen to be personally loyal to [the President], unlike the defence forces whose loyalties have been questioned by the President in recent years.”

* “Eritrea’s support to TPDM appears to be more sustained and organized than its support for other Ethiopian armed groups”.

Nonetheless, Eritrean officials denied providing arms to TPDM without providing detailed information and claimed that “Ethiopian armed groups were a creation of Ethiopia’s internal dynamics”.

According to the report, the overall supervision of Ethiopian armed groups(other than ONLF) is under Eritrean Colonel Fitsum Yishak (a.k.a. “Lenin”), while Colonel Tesfaldet Habteselasie (in the President’s Office) is in charge of all foreign armed groups.

TPDM’s vaguely worded political program states it aim “to establish a popular democratic government of Ethiopia where the rights of nation and nationality are respected and narrow nationalism is abolished”, arguing that “[the current system] being organized narrowly based on clan and family orientations… It is striving to exercise a divided and rule policy to create chaos and disintegration in the name of self-determination.”

Read the section of the report on TPDM

——-

Tigray People’s Democratic Movement

70. The Monitoring Group received multiple corroborating testimonies that Eritrea continues to support the Tigray People’s Democratic Movement (TPDM), in violation of paragraph 15 (b) of resolution 1907 (2009).

71. TPDM, also known by its Tigrinya acronym “Demhit”, is an armed Ethiopian opposition group founded in 2001 by dissidents from Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) of Ethiopia. TPDM says its aim is “to establish a popular democratic government of Ethiopia where the rights of nation and nationality are respected”.[i]

72. The Monitoring Group has previously reported on Eritrea’s support for TPDM (S/2012/545). In 2012, the Group found that TPDM was being trained in Harena, a Red Sea island off the eastern coast of Eritrea, as well as in smaller military training outposts close to the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The Monitoring Group obtained information that TPDM continues to be trained in Harena (see annex 7.1 for a map with the location of Harena).[ii]

73. TPDM regularly issues publicly available videos in which it affirms its commitment to taking up arms against the Government of Ethiopia.[iii] It is, however, difficult to verify information about military confrontations between TPDM and the Ethiopian army. A member of an NGO in contact with TPDM leaders told the Monitoring Group that he was informed of clashes in Benishangul, near the Amhara region of Ethiopia, in November of 2013.[iv] A former Eritrean general with active contacts inside the Eritrean military also told the Monitoring Group about an armed clash between the Ethiopian military and TPDM in the fall of 2013.[v] Moreover, the Monitoring Group received information that TPDM had participated in an armed crackdown on internal dissent inside Eritrea at the end of 2013.[vi]

74. Independent sources with relationships in the Eritrean military and with the Movement’s own leadership have told the Monitoring Group that TPDM had become the most important Ethiopian opposition group inside Eritrea and it had a dual function as an Ethiopian armed opposition group and a protector of the Afwerki regime.[vii] Its fighters, who are from the same ethnic group as President Afwerki, are seen to be personally loyal to him, unlike the defence forces whose loyalties have been questioned by the President in recent years.[viii] This is seen to be particularly relevant after the failed attempted “Forto” army mutiny confronting the Eritrean regime on 21 January 2013 (see S/2013/440).

75. The Monitoring Group estimates that there currently are tens of thousands of TPDM fighters.[ix] Two former senior Eritrean officials and a former Eritrean general, all of whom are in contact with officials in the military and Government, have told the Monitoring Group that Eritrea’s support to TPDM appears to be more

sustained and organized than its support for other Ethiopian armed groups.[x] A source with direct contacts within the leaderships of a number of armed groups described the TPDM as appearing to have “far more fighting capacity” than other Ethiopian groups.[xi]

76. The Monitoring Group also received information from two sources with active contacts inside EDF that weapons in the logistics department of EDF are being systematically transferred to TPDM.[xii] A reliable former senior Eritrean military source told the Group that he was informed by his former colleagues that the following weapons had been transferred from EDF to the TPDM in autumn 2013, most likely during the month of September: sniper rifles, Walther PP semi-automatic pistols, Doshkas, Tokarev T pistols, and binoculars.[xiii] The Monitoring Group has not been able to substantiate the information provided nor confirm whether the weapons given to TPDM came from old EDF stock or whether TPDM is being armed with weapons procured for the army after the adoption of resolution 1907 (2009).

77. In Cairo on 15 February 2014, the Monitoring Group raised the question of the source of the weapons used to arm TPDM with the Senior Political Adviser to the President of Eritrea, Mr. Gebreab. Mr. Gebreab told the Group that the Government of Eritrea does not support TPDM, which he said was interested in fighting the Government of Ethiopia. He further stated that in his view, there were no arms going to TPDM. The Monitoring Group requested additional information on TPDM in two letters dated 7 March 2014 ( see annex 1) and 1 August 2014 (see annex 3). During a videoconference on 28 July 2014, Ambassador Tesfay, did not answer the Monitoring Group’s questions about TPDM, and he said that Ethiopian armed groups were a creation of Ethiopia’s internal dynamics. He stressed that Eritrea was not engaged in any internal destabilization in Ethiopia.

———

Footnotes:
[i]. This is according to the TPDM website: http://demhitonline.blogspot.com.tr/p/aim.html.
[ii]. Former Ginbot Sebat fighters told the Monitoring Group that they saw TPDM being trained in Harena. Also, interview with a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013 and August 2014; and interview with a former senior PFDJ official in March 2014.
[iii]. ATPDM video published on 2 June 2014 claims to show TPDM fighters graduating following a military and political course: http://tpdmtv.vidmy.com/video/93i663y9zcc0. A video published on 23 May 2013 purportedly showcases the ability of TPDM to attack Ethiopia’s ruling party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front: www.youtube.com/watch?v=tuodBhoUZQ0.
[iv]. Skype interview with a member of an NGO in contact with TPDM leadership figures in July 2014.
[v]. Interview with a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013.
[vi]. Interviews with a former senior Eritrean official in December 2013 and a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military in November 2013. The incident was also reported in the press; see http://hornaffairs.com/en/2013/12/16/eritrea-unraveling-isaias-afeworki-authored-identity/  http://awate.com/a-mercenary-army-isaias-afwerkis-last-stand/.
[vii]. Interviews with a former PFDJ official in March 2014; a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013; a former senior Eritrean official in December 2013; and Skype interviews with a member of an NGO in contact with TPDM leadership in July 2014 and August 2014.
[viii]. This development was described to the Monitoring Group by a former senior Eritrean official in December 2013, a former PFDJ official in March 2014, a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013, and an Eritrean source advising the president of Djibouti with close contacts in the Sudan and Ethiopia in January 2014.
[ix]. This is based on figures obtained from a former high-ranking Eritrean official in November 2013 and August 2014, and a former senior PFDJ official in March 2014, both of whom estimated that there are currently around 20,000 TPDM fighters. Moreover, a European-based human rights activist who is in close contact with Eritrean refugees also told the Monitoring Group in April 2014 that she had been informed by newly arrived refugees that there were “tens of thousands” of TPDM fighters in Eritrea.
[x]. Interviews with a former senior Eritrean official in December 2013, a former PFDJ official in March 2014, a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013 and August 2014.
[xi]. Skype interviews with a member of an NGO in contact with leaders of Ethiopian armed groups in July 2014 and August 2014.
[xii]. Interviews with a former senior Eritrean official in March 2014; and a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in August 2014.
[xiii]. Interview with a former Eritrean general with active contacts within the military establishment in November 2013.